范文一:美国总统的就职誓词
按照传统,当选总统通常手按《圣经》宣读誓言, 但也有例外。
美国《宪法》第2条第1款规定总统宣誓就职的誓词如下:
"我谨庄严宣誓(或郑重声明),我一定忠实执行合众国总统职务,竭尽全力,恪守、维护和捍卫合众国宪法。"
按照传统,当选总统通常手按《圣经》宣读誓言, 但也有例外。西奥多·罗斯福(Theodore Roosevelt)于1901年宣誓就职时并未手按《圣经》宣读誓言。
当选副总统和其他联邦官员按以下誓词宣誓就职:
"我谨庄严宣誓,我决心维护和捍卫合众国宪法,防止被国内外一切敌人侵犯。我将忠于宪法,恪守不渝。我自愿承担这项义务,毫无保留,决不推诿。我必忠勤尽责,为执行我即将承担的职务到任视事。愿上帝助我。"
总统宣誓就职的时间与地点
1933年通过的美国宪法第20条修正案规定,美国每一位当选总统的任期始于大选翌年1月20日正午。宪法还规定每位总统在担任总统职务前须宣誓就职。
1933年以前,总统宣誓就职的日期为3月4日,纪念美国宪法于1789年3月4日生效之日,离任总统直至翌年3月方可卸职。
为了缩短政权交接期,美国宪法第20条修正案规定宣誓就职的日期提前到1月20日,即选举团投票结果获参议院议长确认后两星期。
2009年,美国举行第56次总统就职典礼,由巴拉克·奥巴马(Barack Obama)宣誓就任为期四年的总统之职。这个传统始于1789年,当时美国第一任总统乔治·华盛顿(George Washington)按同样程序宣誓就职,此后延续至今,从未中断。奥巴马在美国国会大厦西门外宣誓就职。从罗纳德·里根(Ronald Reagan)总统于1981年就职之时起,就职典礼开始在这里举行,会场前方即是国家绿地,附近建有众多的纪念性建筑。自1917年詹姆斯·门罗(James Monroe)宣誓就职以来,只要天气许可,就职典礼即在室外举行。
多年来总统就职典礼的地点已改变多次,从老式砖墙国会大厦(最高法院大厦现址)改为国会大厦东门廊,后又转至西门廊。有些总统,如乔治·华盛顿的就职典礼在华盛顿哥伦比亚特区以外地区举行。
美国历届总统的就职演说
约翰·肯尼迪(John F. Kennedy)总统发表就职演说。
自美国第一位总统乔治·华盛顿(George Washington)于1789年第一次发表就职演说以来,历届总统发表就职演说已成为美国一个重要传统。新任总统一般利用发表就职演说的机会向美国人民阐述本届政府的政纲和目标。
美国历届总统就职演说的长短并无一定之规。1793年3月4日,乔治·华盛顿发表的第二次就职演说仅135个字。1841年3月4日,威廉·哈里森(William Harrison)发表的就职演说长达8,445字。以下是美国历届总统就职演说中一些脍炙人口的片段。
"对任何人毫无恶意,为所有的人奉行善举,坚守我们受上帝的指引洞悉之正义,让我们前赴后继,竭尽全力,为了成就我辈为之献身的事业,为了包扎国家的伤口,为了抚慰承受战争苦难的人们和照拂其身后的遗孀和孤儿,为了完成可能实现和维护我们之间和所有的国家之间公正持久和平的一切事务。" — 亚伯拉罕·林肯(Abraham Lincoln),1865年,美国内战的最后阶段
乔治·布什(George W. Bush)总统发表就职演说。
"我坚信我们唯一值得恐惧的是恐惧本身。" — 富兰克林·罗斯福(Franklin Roosevelt), 1933年,经济大萧条期间
"莫问国家可以为你做些什么,试问你自己可以为国家做些什么。" — 约翰·肯尼迪(John F. Kennedy),1961年
"对于今天莅临现场的诸位,此时此刻庄严肃穆,极为激动人心;然而,在我国历史上,此情此景早已司空见惯。按照美国宪法的规定,近两个世纪以来政权的有序转移已成常例,很少有人想到我们竟如此独一无二。四年一度的庆典,我们已习以为常,但在全世界很多人眼中,堪称一大奇迹。" — 罗纳德·里根(Ronald Reagan),1981年
"以我之见,历史恰似一本卷帙浩繁的书。我们每天用志向高远的行动填满其中的一页。又一阵微风吹拂,翻开新的一页,世事继而铺展。时至今日,打开又一个篇章,记叙一个团结、多样性和宽仁的辉煌片段 ─ 共同述说,共同书写。" — 乔治·H.W.布什(George H.W. Bush) ,1898年
"我们已经取得的最重大的进展,以及我们尚待获得的最重大的成就,都取决于人类的心灵。归根结底,全世界所有的财富和千军万马都无法与人类精神的力量和美德相匹敌。" — 威廉·克林顿(William Jefferson Clinton) ,1997年
"上一个世纪的大部份时期,美国对自由和民主的信念成为惊涛骇浪中的一块磐石,现在则犹如随风飞扬的种子,正在很多国家落地生根。我们的民主信念不仅仅是我国遵循的信条,而且被视为我们全人类与生俱来的希望。这是我们心怀的理想,但并非我们的专利。我们严守这个信念,我们传播这个信念。" — 乔治·W.布什(George W. Bush),2001年
美国总统就职典礼的第一次
哈里·杜鲁门(Harry Truman) 1949年1月20日,哈里·杜鲁门(Harry Truman) 总统的就职典礼第一次通过电视转播。
乔治·华盛顿(George Washington)
1789年4月30日,美国第一次为总统举行就职典礼,地点为当时的首都纽约市(New York City)。
托马斯·杰弗逊(Thomas Jefferson)
1801年3月4日,第一次在华盛顿哥伦比亚特区(Washington,DC)举行总统就职典礼。当选总统第一次步行前往典礼会场,后步行离开会场;新闻界首次发行总统就职演说专刊。
詹姆斯·波尔克(James Polk)
1845年3月4日,第一次对就职典礼进行电讯报导。第一次由报刊提供图片报导。
詹姆斯·布坎南(James Buchanan)
1857年3月4日,第一次拍摄就职典礼照片。
亚伯拉罕·林肯(Abraham Lincoln)
1865年3月4日,美国非洲裔第一次参加总统就职典礼的游行。
威廉·麦金利(William McKinley)
1897年3月4日,就职典礼第一次经电影摄像记录。
威廉·塔夫脱(William Taft)
1909年3月4日,第一次在总统就职典礼的游行队伍中使用汽车(塔夫脱总统本人未乘坐汽车)。
伍德罗·威尔逊(Woodrow Wilson)
1917年3月5日,妇女第一次参加就职典礼的游行。
沃伦·哈丁(Warren Harding)
1921年3月4日,当选总统第一次乘车进入会场,后乘车离开会场。第一次使用扩音器。
1997年1月20日,第一次通过因特网转播威廉·克林顿 (William Clinton)总统就职典礼实况。
卡尔文·柯立芝(Calvin Coolidge)
1925年3月4日,第一次通过电台向全国播送就职典礼的情况。
富兰克林·罗斯福(Franklin Roosevelt)
1937年1月20日,根据宪法第20条修正案,第一次确定1月20日举行总统就职典礼。
富兰克林·罗斯福(Franklin Roosevelt)
1945年1月20日,唯一宣誓就职开始第4个任期的美国总统。此后根据1951年通过的宪法第22条修正案,美国总统任期不得超过两次。
哈里·杜鲁门(Harry Truman)
1949年1月20日,总统就职典礼第一次通过电视转播。
林登·约翰逊(Lyndon Johnson)
1963年11月22日,就职仪式第一次在飞机上举行。肯尼迪遇刺身亡后,约翰逊在得克萨斯州达拉斯空军一号上宣誓就任总统,主持宣誓仪式的是美国地方法院法官萨拉休斯(Sarah Hughes),第一次由一名主持妇女宣誓仪式。
杰拉尔德·福特(Gerald Ford)
1974年8月4日,第一次由一名未通过选举产生的副总统就任总统。
吉米·卡特(Jimmy Carter)
1977年1月20日,就职典礼第一次为观礼的残疾人提供便捷通道。
罗纳德·里根(Ronald Reagan)
1981年1月20日,电视转播第一次为有听力障碍者提供闭路字幕。
威廉·克林顿 (William Clinton)
1997年1月20日,第一次通过因特网转播总统就职典礼实况。
乔治·W.布什(George W. Bush)
2001年1月20日,第一次出现一位前总统[乔治·H.W.布什(George H.W. Bush)]出席儿子就职典礼的情况。
范文二:奥巴马宣誓就职美国总统誓词全文
奥巴马宣誓?就职美国总?统誓词全文?
美国总统奥?巴马当地时?间1月21?日在国会山?发表其第二?任期就职演?讲。奥巴马在演?讲中追溯美?国民主传统?和宪法精神?,通过阐述就?业、医保、移民、财政、同性恋及气?候变化威胁?等多项议题?与现实有力?契合。奥巴马强调?,伟大国家的?塑造必须依?赖每个美国?人的力量,而非少数人?的成功,并强调国家?团结的重要?性。奥巴马提及?这代美国人?从建国之父?那
自由与追求?幸福里继承的?精神还没有?完成实践,现在的美国?人需要继续?努力,实现生存、的权利?。以下为奥巴?马就职演说?全文:
谢谢,非常感谢大?家。拜登副总统?、首席大法官?先生、国会议员们?、尊敬的各位?嘉宾、亲爱的公民?们。
每一次我们?集会庆祝总?统就职都是?在见证美国?宪法的持久?力量。我们都是在?肯定美国民?主的承诺。我们重申,将这个国家?紧密联系在?一起的不是?我们的肤色?,也不是我们?信仰的教条?,更不是我们?名字的来源?。让我们与众?不同,让我们成为?美国人的是?我们对于一?种理念的恪?守。200多年?前,这一理念在?一篇宣言中?被清晰阐述?:
“我们认为下?述真理是不?言而喻的,人人生而平?等。造物主赋予?他们若干不?可剥夺的权?利,包括生存、自由和追求?幸福的权利?。”
今天,我们继续着?这一未竟的?征程,架起这些理?念与我们时?代现实之间?的桥梁。因为历史告?诉我们,即便这些真?理是不言而?喻的,它们也从来?不会自动生?效。因为虽然自?由是上帝赋?予的礼物,但仍需要世?间的子民去?捍卫。1776年?,美国的爱国?先驱们不是?只为了推翻?国王的暴政?而战,也不是为赢?得少数人的?特权,建立暴民的?统治。先驱们留给?我们一个
民治、民享的政府?。他们委托每?一代美国人?捍卫我们的?建国信条。 共?和国,一个民有、
在过去的2?00多年里?,我们做到了?。
从奴役的血?腥枷锁和刀?剑的血光厮?杀中我们懂?得了,建立在自由?与平等原则?之上的联邦?不能永远维?持半奴隶和?半自由的状?态。我们赢得了?新生,誓言共同前?进。
我们共同努?力,建立起现代?的经济体系?。架设铁路与?高速公路,加速了旅行?和商业交流?。建立学校与?大学,培训我们的?工人。
我们一起发?现,自由市场的?繁荣只能建?立在保障竞?争与公平竞?争的原则之?上。
我们共同决?定让这个伟?大的国家远?离危险,保护她的人?民不受生命?威胁和不幸?的侵扰。一路走来,我们从未放?弃对集权的?质疑。我们同样不?屈服于这一?谎言:一切的社会?弊端都能够?只靠政府来?解决。我们对积极?向上与奋发?进取的赞扬?,我们对努力?工作与个人?责任的坚持?,这些都是美?国精神的基?本要义。
我们也理解?,时代在变化?,我们同样需?要变革。对建国精神?的忠诚,需要我们肩?负起新的责?任,迎接新的挑?战。保护我们的?个人自由,最终需要所?有人的共同?努力。因为美国人?不能再独力?迎接当今世?界的挑战,正如美国士?兵们不能再?像先辈一样?,用步枪和民?兵同
一个人无法?培训所有的?数学与科学?老师,我们需要他?敌人(法西斯主义?与共产主义?)作战。
们为了未来?去教育孩子?们。一个人无法?建设道路、铺设网络、建立实验室?来为国内带?来新的工作?岗位和商业?机会。现在,与以往任何?时候相比,我们都更需?要团结合作?。作为一个国?家,一个民族团?结起来。
这一代美国?人经历了危?机的考验,经济危机坚?定了我们的?决心,证明了我们?的恢复力。长达十年的?战争正在结?束,经济的复苏?已经开始。美国的可能?性是无限的?,因为我们拥?有当今没有?边界的世界?所需要的所?有品质:年轻与活力?、多样性与开?放、无穷的冒险?精神以及创?造的天赋才?能。我亲爱的同?胞们,我们正是为?此刻而生,我们更要在?此刻团结一?致,抓住当下的?机会。
因为我们,美国人民,清楚如果只?有不断萎缩?的少数人群?体获得成功?,而大多数人?不
能成功,我们的国家?就无法成功?。我们相信,美国的繁荣?必须建立在?不断上升的?中产阶级的?宽阔臂膀之?上,我们知道美?国的繁荣只?有这样才能?实现。只有当每个?人都能找到?工作中的自?立与自豪时?才能实现。只有当诚实?劳动获得的?薪水足够让?家庭摆脱困?苦的悬崖时?才能实现。我们忠诚于?我们的事业?,保证让一个?出生于最贫?穷环境中的?小女孩都能?知道,她有同其他?所有人一样?的成功机会?。因为她是一?个美国人,她是自由的?、平等的。她的自由平?等不仅由上?帝来见证,更由我们亲?手保护。
我们已然陈?旧的程序不?足以满足时?代的需要。我们必须应?用新理念和?新技我们知道,
术重塑?我们的政府?,改进我们的?税法,改革我们的?学校,让我们的公?民拥有他们?所需要的技?能,更加努力地?工作,学更多的知?识,向更高处发?展。这意味着变?革,我们的目标?是:国家可以奖?励每个美国?人的努力和?果断。
这是现在需?要的。这将给我们?的信条赋予?真正的意义?。
我们,人民,仍然认为,每个公民都?应当获得基?本的安全和?尊严。我们必须做?出艰难抉择?,降低医疗成?本,缩减赤字规?模。但我们拒绝?在照顾建设?国家的这一?代和投资即?将建设国家?的下一代间?做出选择。因为我们记?得过去的教?训:老年人的夕?阳时光在贫?困中度过,家有残障儿?童的父母无?处求助。我们相信,在这个国家?,自由不只是?那些幸运儿?的专属,或者说幸福?只属于少数?人。我们知道,不管我们怎?样负责任地?生活,我们任何人?在任何时候?都可能面临?失业、突发疾病或?住房被可怕?的飓风摧毁?的风险。
我们通过医?疗保险、联邦医疗补?助计划、社会保障项?目向每个人?做出承诺,这些不会让?我们的创造?力衰竭,而是会让我?们更强大。这些不会让?我们成为充?满不劳而获?者的国度,这些让我们?敢于承担风?险,让国家伟大?。
人民,仍然相信,我们作为美?国人的义务?不只是对我?们自己而言?,还包括对子?我们,
孙后代。我们将应对?气候变化的?威胁,认识到不采?取措施应对?气候变化就?是对我们的?孩子和后代?的背叛。一些人可能?仍在否定科?学界的压倒?性判断,但没有人能?够避免熊熊?火灾、严重旱灾、更强力风暴?带来的灾难?性打击。通向可再生?能源利用的?道路是漫长?的,有时是困难?的。但美国不能?抵制这种趋?势,我们必须引?领这种趋势?。我们不能把?制造新就业?机会和新行?业的技术让?给其他国家?,我们必须明?确这一承诺?。这是我们保?持经济活力?和国家财富?(我们的森林?和航道,我们的农田?与雪峰)的方法。这将是我们?保护我们星?球的办法,上帝把这个?星球托付给?我们。这将给我们?的建国之父?们曾宣布的?信条赋予意?义。
我们,人民,仍然相信持?久的安全与?和平,不需要持续?的战争。我们勇敢的?士兵经受了?战火的考验?,他们的技能?和勇气是无?可匹敌的。我们的公民?依然铭记着?那些阵亡者?,他们非常清?楚我们为自?由付出的代?价。明白他们的?牺牲将让我?们永远对那?些试图伤害?我们的势力?保持警惕。但我们也是?那些赢得和?平而不只是?战争的人们?的后代,他们将仇敌?转变成最可?靠的朋友,我们也必须?把这些经验?带到这个时?代。
我们将通过?强大的军力?和法制保护?我们的人民?,捍卫我们的?价值观。我们将展现?试图和平解?决与其它国?家分歧的勇?气,但这不是因?为我们对面?临的危险持?幼稚的态度?,而是因为接?触能够更持?久地化解疑?虑和恐惧。美国将在全?球保持强大?的联盟,我们将更新?这些能扩展?我们应对海?外危机能力?的机制。因为作为世?界上最强大?的国家,我们在世界?和平方面拥?有最大的利?益。我们将支持?从亚洲到非?洲、从美洲至中?东的民主国?家,因为我们的?利益和良心?驱使我们代?表那些想获?得自由的人?们采取行动?。我们必须成?为贫困者、病患者、被边缘化的?人士、异见受害者?的希望来源?,不仅仅是出?于慈善,也是因为这?个时代的和?平需要不断?推进我们共?同信念中的?原则:宽容和机遇?,人类尊严与?正义。
我们,人民,今天昭示的?最明白的事?实是——我们所有人?都是生而平?等的,这是依然引?领我们的恒?星。它引领我们?的先辈穿越?纽约塞尼卡?瀑布城(女权抗议事?件)、塞尔马(黑人权力事?件)和石墙骚乱?(同性恋与警?察发生的暴?力事件),引领着所有?的男性和女?性,留下姓名
和?没留姓名的?人。在伟大的征?程中,一路上留下?足迹的人。曾经听一位?牧师说,我们不能独?自前行。马丁-路德-金说,我们个人的?自由与地球?上每个灵魂?的自由不可?分割。
继续先辈开?创的事业是?我们这代人?的任务。直到我们的?妻子、母亲和女儿?的付出能够?与她们的努?力相称,我们的征途?才会结束。我们的征途?不会终结,我们要让同?性恋的兄弟?姐妹在法律?之下得到与?其他人同样?的待遇。如果我们真?正是生而平?等的,那么我们对?彼此的爱也?应该是平等?的。我们的征途?没有结束,直到没有公?民需要等待?数个小时去?行使投票
有憧憬的移?民,他们依旧权?。我们的征途?不会结束,直到我们找?到更好的方?法迎接努力?、
视?美国是一块?充满机会的?土地。直到聪颖年?轻的学生和?工程师为我?们所用,而不是被逐?出美国。我们的征途?不会结束,直到我们所?有的儿童,从底特律的?街道到阿巴?拉契亚的山?岭,再到康涅狄?格州纽镇安?静的小巷,直到他们得?到关心和珍?视,永远避免受?到伤害。
那是我们这?一代的任务?——让生存、自由和追求?幸福的言语?、权力和价值?切实体现在?每个美国人?的身上。我们的立国?文本没有要?求我们将每?个人的生活?一致化。这并不意味?着,我们会以完?全一样的方?式去定义自?由,沿着同样的?道路通向幸?福。进步不会终?止几个世纪?以来一直纠?结的关于政?府角色的争?论,但这要求我?们现在就采?取行动。
目前是由我?们决策,我们不能拖?延。我们不能将?绝对主义当?作原则,或者以表象?代替政治,或将中伤视?作理性的辩?论。我们必须行?动,要意识到我?们的工作并?不完美。我们必须行?动,意识到今天?的胜利是并?不完全的。这些将有赖?于未来4年?、40年或是?400年致?力于这项事?业的人,去推进当年?在费城制宪?会议大厅传?承给我们的?永恒精神。
我的美国同?胞,我今天在你?们面前宣读?的誓词,如同在国会?山服务的其?他人曾宣读?过的誓词一?样,是对上帝和?国家的誓词?,不是对党派?或是派别的?,我们必须在?任期内忠实?地
但我今天宣?读的誓词与?士兵报名参?军或者是移?民实现梦想?时所宣读的?誓词履行这些?承诺。
没有多?少差别。我的誓词与?我们所有的?人向我们头?顶飘扬的、让我们心怀?自豪的国旗?所表达的誓?言没有多大?差别。
这些是公民?的誓词,代表着我们?最伟大的希?望。
你和我,作为公民,都有为这个?国家设定道?路的权力。
你和我,作为公民,有义务塑造?我们时代的?辩题,不仅是通过?我们的选票?,而且要为捍?卫悠久的价?值观和持久?的理想发声?。
现在让我们?相互拥抱,怀着庄严的?职责和无比?的快乐,这是我们永?恒的与生俱?来的权利。有共同的努?力和共同的?目标,用热情与奉?献,让我们回应?历史的召唤?,将珍贵的自?由之光带入?并不确定的?未来。
感谢你们,上帝保佑你?们,愿上帝永远?保佑美利坚?合众国。
以下是奥巴?马第二任期?就职演说英?文版:
MR. OBAMA?: Vice Presi?dent Biden?, Mr. Chief? Justi?ce, Membe?rs of the Unite?d State?s Congr?ess, disti?nguis?hed guest?s, and fello?w citiz?ens:
Each time we gathe?r to inaug?urate? a presi?dent, we bear witne?ss to the endur?ing stren?gth of our Const?ituti?on. We affir?m the promi?se of our democ?racy. We recal?l that what binds? this natio?n toget?her is not the color?s of our skin or the tenet?s of our faith? or the origi?ns of our names?. What makes? us excep?tiona?l – what makes? us Ameri?can – is our alleg?iance? to an idea, artic?ulate?d in a decla?ratio?n made more than two centu?ries ago:
“We hold these? truth?s to be self-evide?nt, that all men are creat?ed equal?, that they are endow?
ed by their? Creat?or with certa?in unali?enabl?e right?s, that among? these? are Life, Liber?ty, and the pursu?it of Happi?ness.”
Today? we conti?nue a never?-endin?g journ?ey, to bridg?e the meani?ng of those? words? with the reali?ties of our time. For histo?ry tells? us that while? these? truth?s may be self-evide?nt, they have never? been self-execu?ting; that while? freed?om is a gift from God, it must be secur?ed by His peopl?e here on Earth?. The patri?ots of 1776 did not fight? to repla?ce the tyran?ny of a king with the privi?leges? of a few or the rule of a mob. They gave to us a Repub?lic, a gover?nment? of, and by, and for the peopl?e, entru?sting? each gener?ation? to keep safe our found?ing creed?.
For more than two hundr?ed years?, we have.
Throu?gh blood? drawn? by lash and blood? drawn? by sword?, we learn?ed that no union? found?
ed on the princ?iples? of liber?ty and equal?ity could? survi?ve half-slave? and half-free. We made ourse?lves anew, and vowed? to move forwa?rd toget?her.
Toget?her, we deter?mined? that a moder?n econo?my requi?res railr?oads and highw?ays to speed?
trave?l and comme?rce; schoo?ls and colle?ges to train? our worke?rs。
Toget?her, we disco?vered? that a free marke?t only thriv?es when there? are rules? to ensur?e
compe?titio?n and fair play.
Toget?her, we resol?ved that a great? natio?n must care for the vulne?rable?, and prote?ct its peopl?e
from life’s worst? hazar?ds and misfo?rtune?.
Throu?gh it all, we have never? relin?quish?ed our skept?icism? of centr?al autho?rity, nor have we succu?mbed to the ficti?on that all socie?ty’s ills can be cured? throu?gh gover?nment? alone?. Our celeb?ratio?n of initi?ative? and enter?prise?; our insis?tence? on hard work and perso?nal respo?nsibi?lity, these? are const?ants in our chara?cter.
But we have alway?s under?stood? that when times? chang?e, so must we; that fidel?ity to our found?ing princ?iples? requi?res new respo?nses to new chall?enges?; that prese?rving? our indiv?idual?
freed?oms ultim?ately? requi?res colle?ctive? actio?n. For the Ameri?can peopl?e can no more meet the deman?ds of today?’s?world? by actin?g alone? than Ameri?can soldi?ers could? have met the force?s of fasci?sm or commu?nism with muske?ts and milit?ias. No singl?e perso?n can train? all the math and scien?ce teach?ers?we’ll?need?to?equip? our child?ren for the futur?e, or build? the roads? and netwo?rks and resea?rch labs that will bring? new jobs and busin?esses? to our shore?s. Now, more than ever, we must do these? thing?s toget?her, as one natio?n, and one peopl?e.
This gener?ation? of Ameri?cans has been teste?d by crise?s that steel?ed our resol?ve and prove?d
our resil?ience?. A decad?e of war is now endin?g. An econo?mic recov?ery has begun?. Ameri?ca’s possi?bilit?ies are limit?less, for we posse?ss all the quali?ties that this world? witho?ut bound?aries? deman?ds: youth? and drive?; diver?sity and openn?ess; an endle?ss capac?ity for risk and a gift for reinv?entio?n. My fello?w Ameri?cans, we are made for this momen?t, and we will seize? it – so long as we seize? it
toget?her.
For we, the peopl?e, under?stand? that our count?ry canno?t succe?ed when a shrin?king few do very well and a growi?ng many barel?y make it. We belie?ve that Ameri?ca’s prosp?erity? must rest upon the broad? shoul?ders of a risin?g middl?e class?. We know that Ameri?ca thriv?es when every?
perso?n can find indep?enden?ce and pride? in their? work; when the wages? of hones?t labor? liber?ate famil?ies from the brink? of hards?hip. We are true to our creed? when a littl?e girl born into the bleak?est pover?ty knows? that she has the same chanc?e to succe?ed as anybo?dy else, becau?se she is an Ameri?can, she is free, and she is equal?, not just in the eyes of God but also in our own.
We under?stand? that outwo?rn progr?ams are inade?quate? to the needs? of our time. We must harne?ss new ideas? and techn?ology? to remak?e our gover?nment?, revam?p our tax code, refor?m our schoo?ls, and empow?er our citiz?ens with the skill?s they need to work harde?r, learn? more, and reach?
highe?r. But while? the means? will chang?e, our purpo?se endur?es: a natio?n that rewar?ds the effor?t and deter?minat?ion of every? singl?e Ameri?can. That is what this momen?t requi?res. That is what will give real meani?ng to our creed?.
We, the peopl?e, still? belie?ve that every? citiz?en deser?ves a basic? measu?re of secur?ity and digni?ty. We must make the hard choic?es to reduc?e the cost of healt?h care and the size of our defic?it.
But we rejec?t the belie?f that Ameri?ca must choos?e betwe?en carin?g for the gener?ation? that built? this count?ry and inves?ting in the gener?ation? that will build? its futur?e. For we remem?ber the lesso?ns of our past, when twili?ght years? were spent? in pover?ty, and paren?ts of a child? with a disab?ility? had nowhe?re to turn. We do not belie?ve that in this count?ry, freed?om is reser?ved for the lucky?, or happi?ness for the few. We recog?nize that no matte?r how respo?nsibl?y we live our lives?, any one of us, at any time, may face a job loss, or a sudde?n illne?ss, or a home swept? away in a terri?ble storm?. The commi?tment?s we make to each other? – throu?gh Medic?are, and Medic?aid, and Socia?l Secur?ity – these? thing?s do not sap our initi?ative?; they stren?gthen? us. They do not make us a natio?n of taker?s; they free us to take the risks? that make this count?ry great?.
We, the peopl?e, still? belie?ve that our oblig?ation?s as Ameri?cans are not just to ourse?lves, but to all poste?rity. We will respo?nd to the threa?t of clima?te chang?e, knowi?ng that the failu?re to do so would? betra?y our child?ren and futur?e gener?ation?s. Some may still? deny the overw?helmi?ng judgm?ent of scien?ce, but none can avoid? the devas?tatin?g impac?t of ragin?g fires?, and cripp?ling droug?ht, and more power?ful storm?s. The path towar?ds susta?inabl?e energ?y sourc?es will be long and somet?imes diffi?cult. But Ameri?ca canno?t resis?t this trans?ition?; we must lead it. We canno?t cede to other? natio?ns the techn?ology? that will power? new jobs and new indus?tries? – we must claim? its promi?se. That is how we will maint?ain our econo?mic vital?ity and our natio?nal treas?ure – our fores?ts and water?ways; our cropl?ands and snowc?apped? peaks?. That is how we will prese?rve our plane?t, comma?nded to our care by God. That’s?what?will?lend?meani?ng to the creed? our fathe?rs once decla?red.
We, the peopl?e, still? belie?ve that endur?ing secur?ity and lasti?ng peace? do not requi?re perpe?
tual war. Our brave? men and women? in unifo?rm, tempe?red by the flame?s of battl?e, are unmat?ched
in skill? and coura?ge. Our citiz?ens, seare?d by the memor?y of those? we have lost, know too well the
price? that is paid for liber?ty. The knowl?edge of their? sacri?fice will keep us forev?er vigil?ant again?st those? who would? do us harm. But we are also heirs? to those? who won the peace? and not just the war, who turne?d sworn? enemi?es into the sures?t of frien?ds, and we must carry? those? lesso?ns into this time as well.
We will defen?d our peopl?e and uphol?d our value?s throu?gh stren?gth of arms and rule of law. We will show the coura?ge to try and resol?ve our diffe?rence?s with other? natio?ns peace?fully? – not
becau?se we are na?ve? about? the dange?rs we face, but becau?se engag?ement? can more durab?ly lift suspi?cion and fear. Ameri?ca will remai?n the ancho?r of stron?g allia?nces in every? corne?r of the globe?; and we will renew? those? insti?tutio?ns that exten?d our capac?ity to manag?e crisi?s abroa?d, for no one has a great?er stake? in a peace?ful world? than its most power?ful natio?n. We will suppo?rt democ?racy from Asia to Afric?a; from the Ameri?cas to the Middl?e East, becau?se our inter?ests and our consc?ience? compe?l us to act on behal?f of those? who long for freed?om. And we must be a sourc?e of hope to the poor, the sick, the margi?naliz?ed, the victi?ms of preju?dice – not out of mere chari?ty, but becau?se peace? in our time requi?res the const?ant advan?ce of those? princ?iples? that our commo?n creed? descr?ibes: toler?ance and oppor?tunit?y; human? digni?ty and justi?ce.
We, the peopl?e, decla?re today? that the most evide?nt of truth?s – that all of us are creat?ed
equal? – is the star that guide?s us still?; just as it guide?d our foreb?ears throu?gh Senec?a Falls?, and Selma?, and Stone?wall; just as it guide?d all those? men and women?, sung and unsun?g, who left footp?rints? along? this great? Mall, to hear a preac?her say that we canno?t walk alone?; to hear a King procl?aim that our indiv?idual? freed?om is inext?ricab?ly bound? to the freed?om of every? soul on Earth?.
It is now our gener?ation?’s task to carry? on what those? pione?ers began?. For our journ?ey is not compl?ete until? our wives?, our mothe?rs, and daugh?ters can earn a livin?g equal? to their? effor?ts. Our journ?ey is not compl?ete until? our gay broth?ers and siste?rs are treat?ed like anyon?e else under? the law – for if we are truly? creat?ed equal?, then surel?y the love we commi?t to one anoth?er must be equal? as well. Our journ?ey is not compl?ete until? no citiz?en is force?d to wait for hours? to exerc?ise the right? to vote. Our journ?ey is not compl?ete until? we find a bette?r way to welco?me the striv?ing, hopef?ul immig?rants? who still? see Ameri?ca as a land of oppor?tunit?y; until? brigh?t young? stude?nts and engin?eers are enlis?ted in our workf?orce rathe?r than expel?led from our count?ry. Our journ?ey is not compl?ete until? all our child?ren, from the stree?ts of Detro?it to the hills? of Appal?achia? to the quiet? lanes? of Newto?wn, know that they are cared? for, and cheri?shed, and alway?s safe from harm.
That is our gener?ation?’s task – to make these? words?, these? right?s, these? value?s – of
Life, and Liber?ty, and the Pursu?it of Happi?ness – real for every? Ameri?can. Being? true to our found?ing docum?ents does not requi?re us to agree? on every? conto?ur of life; it does not mean we will all defin?e liber?ty in exact?ly the same way, or follo?w the same preci?se path to happi?ness. Progr?ess does not compe?l us to settl?e centu?ries-long debat?es about? the role of gover?nment? for all time – but it does requi?re us to act in our time.
For now decis?ions are upon us, and we canno?t affor?d delay?. We canno?t mista?ke absol?utism?
for princ?iple, or subst?itute? spect?acle for polit?ics, or treat? name-calli?ng as reaso?ned debat?e. We must act, knowi?ng that our work will be imper?fect. We must act, knowi?ng that today?’s?victo?ries
will be only parti?al, and that it will be up to those? who stand? here in four years?, and forty? years?, and four hundr?ed years? hence? to advan?ce the timel?ess spiri?t once confe?rred to us in a spare? Phila?delph?ia hall.
My fello?w Ameri?cans, the oath I have sworn? befor?e you today?, like the one recit?ed by other?s who serve? in this Capit?ol, was an oath to God and count?ry, not party? or facti?on – and we must faith?fully? execu?te that pledg?e durin?g the durat?ion of our servi?ce. But the words? I spoke? today? are not so diffe?rent from the oath that is taken? each time a soldi?er signs? up for duty, or an immig?rant reali?zes her dream?. My oath is not so diffe?rent from the pledg?e we all make to the flag that waves? above? and that fills? our heart?s with pride?.
They are the words? of citiz?ens, and they repre?sent our great?est hope.
You and I, as citiz?ens, have the power? to set this count?ry’s cours?e.
You and I, as citiz?ens, have the oblig?ation? to shape? the debat?es of our time – not only with the votes? we cast, but with the voice?s we lift in defen?se of our most ancie?nt value?s and endur?ing ideal?s.
Let each of us now embra?ce, with solem?n duty and aweso?me joy, what is our lasti?ng birth?right?. With commo?n effor?t and commo?n purpo?se, with passi?on and dedic?ation?, let us answe?r the call of histo?ry, and carry? into an uncer?tain futur?e that preci?ous light? of freed?om.
Thank? you, God Bless? you, and may He forev?er bless? these? Unite?d State?s of Ameri?ca.
范文三:美国总统就职演讲
肯尼迪总统就职演讲
演讲者简介:肯尼迪 Kennedy,John Fitzgerald(1917~1963)美国第三十五任总统(1961~1963)。生于1917年5月29日,卒于1963年11月22日。毕业于哈佛大学 .在第二次世界大战中,他指挥的鱼雷艇被日本海军击沉,身受重伤,逃上敌后荒岛,后来率领士兵归队。29岁竞选众议员获胜,连任3届(1947~1953)。
We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn (宣誓)before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath(庄严的誓言) our forebears祖先 prescribed拟定 nearly a century and three-quarters ago.
The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal致命的 hands the power to abolish废除 all forms of human poverty贫穷 and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state政府的慷慨, but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs继承人 of that first revolution. Let the word go forth告诉 from this time and place, to friend and foe敌人 alike, that the torch火炬 has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this
century, tempered by war, disciplined 磨练by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage遗产, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing 逐步掠夺of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world. Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty自由.
This much we pledge承诺,矢志不移 -- and more.
To those old allies同盟国 whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host群体 of cooperative ventures合作事业. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds争执 and split asunder分裂.
To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial殖民 control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny暴政. We shall not always expect to find them supporting
our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly
supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought(seek寻找) power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
To those people in the huts 临时房and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds禁锢 of mass misery痛苦, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics south of our border边界, we offer a special pledge: to convert兑换 our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress进步联盟, to assist free men and free governments in casting off 摆脱the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey牺牲者 of hostile敌对的 powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression侵犯 or subversion破坏 anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere半球 intends to remain the master of its own house西半球的事西半球自己会管.
To that world assembly集合 of sovereign states独立国, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the
instruments 工具of war have far outpaced 超过the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum 讲坛for invective谩骂, to strengthen its shield 盾,保护of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ文书 may run.
Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our
adversary对手, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew再 the quest探索 for peace, before the dark powers of destruction破坏 unleashed释放 by science engulf吞没 all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction. We dare not tempt引诱 them with weakness示弱. For only when our arms武力装备 are sufficient 足够beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.
But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady 稳定spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror恐怖均势 that stays the hand of mankind's final war.
So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility 礼仪is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate交涉 out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.
Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring反复讨论 those problems which divide us.
Let both sides, for the first time, formulate规划 serious and precise明确的 proposals 建议书for the inspection视察 and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.
Let both sides seek to invoke祈求 the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer政府 the deserts, eradicate消灭 disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce商业.
Let both sides unite to heed留心, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah 以赛亚-- to “undo the heavy burdens, and
[to] let the oppressed 被压迫go free.”?
And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor努力 -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where
the strong are just公正, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.
All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned召唤 to give testimony证言 to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.
Now the trumpet喇叭 summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms服兵役, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled严阵以待 we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,磨难”? a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny暴政, poverty, disease, and war itself.
Can we forge against these enemies a grand极重要的 and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted准予 the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from退缩 this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor 努力will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow辉光 from that fire can truly light the world.
And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.
My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man. Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice牺牲 which we ask of you. With a good conscience 良心our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our
deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.
我们今天庆祝的并不是一次政党的胜利,而是一次自由的庆典;它象征着结束,也象征着开始;意味着更新,也意味着变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前,作了跟我们祖先将近一又四分之三世纪以前所拟定的相同的庄严誓言。
现今世界已经很不同了,因为人在自己血肉之躯的手中握有足以消灭一切形式的人类贫困和一切形式的人类生命的力量。可是我们祖先奋斗不息所维护的革命信念,在世界各地仍处于争论之中。那信念就是注定人权并非来自政府的慷慨施与,而是上帝所赐。
我们今天不敢忘记我们是那第一次革命的继承人,让我从此时此地告诉我们的朋友,并且也告诉我们的敌人,这支火炬已传交新一代的美国人,他们出生在本世纪,经历过战争的锻炼,受过严酷而艰苦的和平的熏陶,以我们的古代传统自豪,而且不愿目睹或容许人权逐步被褫夺。对于这些人权我国一向坚贞不移,当前在国内和全世界我们也是对此力加维护的。
让每一个国家知道,不管它盼我们好或盼我们坏,我们将付出任何代价,忍受任何重负,应付任何艰辛,支持任何朋友,反对任何敌人,以确保自由的存在与实现。
这是我们矢志不移的事--而且还不止此。
对于那些和我们拥有共同文化和精神传统的老盟邦,我们保证以挚友之诚相待。只要团结,则在许多合作事业中几乎没有什么是办不到的。倘若分裂,我们则无可作为,因为我们在意见分歧、各行其是的情况下,是不敢应付强大挑战的。
对于那些我们欢迎其参与自由国家行列的新国家,我们要提出保证,绝不让一种形成的殖民统治消失后,却代之以另一种远为残酷的暴政。我们不能老是期望他们会支持我们的观点,但我们却一直希望他们能坚决维护他们自身的自由,并应记取,在过去,那些愚蠢得要骑在虎背上以壮声势的人,结果却被虎所吞噬。
对于那些住在布满半个地球的茅舍和乡村中、力求打破普遍贫困的桎梏的人们,我们保证尽最大努力助其自救,不管需要多长时间。这并非因为共产党会那样做,也不是由于我们要求他们的选票,而是由于那样做是正确的。自由社会若不能帮助众多的穷人,也就不能保全那少数的富人。
对于我国边界以内的各姐妹共和国,我们提出一项特殊的保证:要把我们的美好诺言化作善行,在争取进步的新联盟中援助自由人和自由政府来摆脱贫困的枷锁。但这种为实现本身愿望而进行的和平革命不应成为不怀好意的国家的俎上肉。让我们所有的邻邦都知道,我
们将与他们联合抵御对美洲任何地区的侵略或颠覆。让其它国家都知道,西半球的事西半球自己会管。
至于联合国这个各主权国家的世界性议会,在今天这个战争工具的发展速度超过和平工具的时代中,它是我们最后的、最美好的希望。我们愿重申我们的支持诺言;不让它变成仅供谩骂的讲坛,加强其对于新国弱国的保护,并扩大其权力所能运用的领域。
最后,对于那些与我们为敌的国家,我们所要提供的不是保证,而是要求:双方重新着手寻求和平,不要等到科学所释出的危险破坏力量在有意或无意中使全人类沦于自我毁灭。
我们不敢以示弱去诱惑他们。因为只有当我们的武力无可置疑地壮大时,我们才能毫无疑问地确信永远不会使用武力。
可是这两个强有力的国家集团,谁也不能对当前的趋势放心--双方都因现代武器的代价而感到不胜负担,双方都对于致命的原子力量不断发展而产生应有的惊骇,可是双方都在竞谋改变那不稳定的恐怖均衡,而此种均衡却可以暂时阻止人类最后从事战争。
因此让我们重新开始,双方都应记住,谦恭并非懦弱的征象,而诚意则永远须要验证。让我们永不因畏惧而谈判。但让我们永不要畏惧谈判。
让双方探究能使我们团结在一起的是什么问题,而不要虚耗心力于使我们分裂的问题。
让双方首次制订有关视察和管制武器的真诚而确切的建议,并且把那足以毁灭其它国家的漫无限制的力量置于所有国家的绝对管制之下。
让双方都谋求激发科学的神奇力量而不是科学的恐怖因素。让我们联合起来去探索星球,治理沙漠,消除疾病,开发海洋深处,并鼓励艺术和商务。
让双方携手在世界各个角落遵循以赛亚的命令,去“卸下沉重的负担??(并)让被压迫者得自由。”
如果建立合作的滩头堡能够遏制重重猜疑,那么,让双方联合作一次新的努力吧,这不是追求新的权力均衡,而是建立一个新的法治世界,在那世界上强者公正,弱者安全,和平在握。
凡此种种不会在最初的一百天中完成,不会在最初的一千天中完成,不会在本政府任期中完成,甚或也不能在我们活在地球上的毕生期间完成。但让我们开始。
同胞们,我们事业的最后成效,主要不是掌握在我手里,而是操在你们手中。自从我国建立以来,每一代的美国人都曾应召以验证其
对国家的忠诚。响应此项召唤而服军役的美国青年人的坟墓遍布全球各处。
现在那号角又再度召唤我们--不是号召我们肩起武器,虽然武器是我们所需要的;不是号召我们去作战,虽然我们准备应战;那是号召我们年复一年肩负起持久和胜败未分的斗争,“在希望中欢乐,在患难中忍耐”;这是一场对抗人类公敌--暴政、贫困、疾病以及战争本身--的斗争。
我们能否结成一个遍及东西南北的全球性伟大联盟来对付这些敌人,来确保全人类享有更为富裕的生活?你们是否愿意参与这历史性的努力?
在世界的悠久历史中,只有很少几个世代的人赋有这种在自由遭遇最大危机时保卫自由的任务。我决不在这责任之前退缩;我欢迎它。我不相信我们中间会有人愿意跟别人及别的世代交换地位。我们在这场努力中所献出的精力、信念与虔诚、将照亮我们的国家以及所有为国家服务的人,而从这一火焰所聚出的光辉必能照明全世界。
所以,同胞们:不要问你们的国家能为你们做些什么,而要问你们能为国家做些什么。
全世界的公民:不要问美国愿为你们做些什么,而应问我们在一起能为人类的自由做些什么。
最后,不管你是美国的公民或世界它国的公民,请将我们所要求于你们的有关力量与牺牲的高标准拿来要求我们。我们唯一可靠的报酬是问心无愧,我们行为的最后裁判者是历史,让我们向前引导我们所挚爱的国土,企求上帝的保佑与扶携,但我们知道,在这个世界上,上帝的任务肯定就是我们自己所应肩负的任务。
约翰逊演讲:We Shall Overcome
Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, Members of the Congress:
I speak tonight for the dignity of man and the destiny of democracy. I urge every member of both parties, Americans of all religions and of all colors, from every section of this country, to join me in that cause.
At times history and fate meet at a single time in a single place to shape a turning point in man's unending search for freedom. So it was at Lexington and Concord. So it was a century ago at Appomattox. So it was last week in Selma, Alabama. There, long-suffering men and women peacefully protested the denial of their rights as Americans. Many were brutally assaulted. One good man, a man of God, was killed.
There is no cause for pride in what has happened in Selma. There is no cause for self-satisfaction in the long denial of equal rights of millions of Americans. But there is cause for hope and for faith in our democracy in what is happening here tonight. For the cries of pain and the hymns and protests of oppressed people have summoned into convocation all the majesty of this great government -- the government of the greatest nation on earth. Our mission is at once the oldest and the most basic of this country: to right wrong, to do justice, to serve man. In our time we have come to live with the moments of great crisis. Our lives have been marked with debate about great issues -- issues of war and peace, issues of prosperity and depression.
But rarely in any time does an issue lay bare the secret heart of America itself. Rarely are we met with a challenge, not to our growth or abundance, or our welfare or our security, but rather to the values, and the purposes, and the meaning of our beloved nation.
The issue of equal rights for American Negroes is such an issue. And should we defeat every enemy, and should we double our wealth and conquer the stars, and still be unequal to this issue, then we will have failed as a people and as a nation. For with a country as with a person, “What is a man profited, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?”
There is no Negro problem. There is no Southern problem. There is no Northern problem. There is only an American problem. And we are met here tonight as Americans -- not as Democrats or Republicans. We are met here as Americans to solve that problem. This was the first nation in the history of the world to be founded with a purpose. The great phrases of that purpose still sound in every American heart, North and South: “All men are created equal,” “government by consent of the governed,” “give me liberty or give me death.” Well, those are not just clever words, or those are not just empty theories. In their name Americans have fought and died for two centuries, and tonight around the world they stand there as guardians of our liberty, risking their lives.
Those words are a promise to every citizen that he shall share in the dignity of man. This dignity cannot be found in a man's possessions; it cannot be found in his power, or in his position. It really rests on his right to be treated as a man equal in opportunity to all others. It says that he shall share in freedom, he shall choose his leaders, educate his children, provide for his family according to his ability and his merits as a human being. To apply any other test -- to deny a man his hopes because of his color, or race, or his religion, or the place of his birth is not only to do injustice, it is to deny
America and to dishonor the dead who gave their lives for American freedom.
Our fathers believed that if this noble view of the rights of man was to flourish, it must be rooted in democracy. The most basic right of all was the right to choose your own leaders. The history of this country, in large measure, is the history of the expansion of that right to all of our people. Many of the issues of civil rights are very complex and most difficult. But about this there can and should be no argument.
Every American citizen must have an equal right to vote.
There is no reason which can excuse the denial of that right. There is no duty which weighs more heavily on us than the duty we have to ensure that right.
Yet the harsh fact is that in many places in this country men and women are kept from voting simply because they are Negroes. Every device of which human ingenuity is capable has been used to deny this right. The Negro citizen may go to register only to be told that the day is wrong, or the hour is late, or the official in charge is absent. And if he persists, and if he manages to present himself to the registrar, he may be
disqualified because he did not spell out his middle name or because he abbreviated a word on the application. And if he manages to fill out an application, he is given a test. The registrar is the sole judge of whether he passes this test. He may be asked to recite the entire Constitution, or explain the most complex provisions of State law. And even a college degree cannot be used to prove that he can read and write.
For the fact is that the only way to pass these barriers is to show a white skin. Experience has clearly shown that the existing process of law cannot overcome systematic and
ingenious discrimination. No law that we now have on the books -- and I have helped to put three of them there -- can ensure the right to vote when local officials are determined to deny it. In such a case our duty must be clear to all of us. The
Constitution says that no person shall be kept from voting because of his race or his color. We have all sworn an oath before God to support and to defend that Constitution. We must now act in obedience to that oath.
Wednesday, I will send to Congress a law designed to eliminate illegal barriers to the right to vote.
The broad principles of that bill will be in the hands of the Democratic and Republican leaders tomorrow. After they have reviewed it, it will come here formally as a bill. I am grateful for this opportunity to come here tonight at the invitation of the leadership to reason with my friends, to give them my views, and to visit with my former colleagues. I've had prepared a more comprehensive analysis of the legislation which I had intended to transmit to the clerk tomorrow, but which I will submit to the clerks tonight. But I want to really discuss with you now, briefly, the main proposals of this legislation.
This bill will strike down restrictions to voting in all
elections -- Federal, State, and local -- which have been used to deny Negroes the right to vote. This bill will establish a simple, uniform standard which cannot be used, however ingenious the effort, to flout our Constitution. It will
provide for citizens to be registered by officials of the United States Government, if the State officials refuse to register them. It will eliminate tedious, unnecessary lawsuits which delay the right to vote. Finally, this legislation will ensure that properly registered individuals are not prohibited from voting.
I will welcome the suggestions from all of the Members of Congress -- I have no doubt that I will get some -- on ways and means to strengthen this law and to make it effective. But experience has plainly shown that this is the only path to carry out the command of the Constitution.
To those who seek to avoid action by their National Government in their own communities, who want to and who seek to maintain
purely local control over elections, the answer is simple: open your polling places to all your people.
Allow men and women to register and vote whatever the color of their skin.
Extend the rights of citizenship to every citizen of this land. There is no constitutional issue here. The command of the Constitution is plain. There is no moral issue. It is wrong -- deadly wrong -- to deny any of your fellow Americans the right to vote in this country. There is no issue of States' rights or national rights. There is only the struggle for human rights. I have not the slightest doubt what will be your answer.
But the last time a President sent a civil rights bill to the Congress, it contained a provision to protect voting rights in Federal elections. That civil rights bill was passed after eight long months of debate. And when that bill came to my desk from the Congress for my signature, the heart of the voting provision had been eliminated. This time, on this issue, there must be no delay, or no hesitation, or no compromise with our purpose.
We cannot, we must not, refuse to protect the right of every American to vote in every election that he may desire to
participate in. And we ought not, and we cannot, and we must not wait another eight months before we get a bill. We have already waited a hundred years and more, and the time for waiting is gone.
So I ask you to join me in working long hours -- nights and weekends, if necessary -- to pass this bill. And I don't make that request lightly. For from the window where I sit with the problems of our country, I recognize that from outside this chamber is the outraged conscience of a nation, the grave concern of many nations, and the harsh judgment of history on our acts.
But even if we pass this bill, the battle will not be over. What happened in Selma is part of a far larger movement which reaches into every section and State of America. It is the effort of American Negroes to secure for themselves the full blessings of American life. Their cause must be our cause too. Because it's not just Negroes, but really it's all of us, who must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice. And we shall overcome.
As a man whose roots go deeply into Southern soil, I know how agonizing racial feelings are. I know how difficult it is to reshape the attitudes and the structure of our society. But a century has passed, more than a hundred years since the Negro was freed. And he is not fully free tonight.
It was more than a hundred years ago that Abraham Lincoln, a great President of another party, signed the Emancipation Proclamation; but emancipation is a proclamation, and not a fact. A century has passed, more than a hundred years, since equality was promised. And yet the Negro is not equal. A century has passed since the day of promise. And the promise is un-kept. The time of justice has now come. I tell you that I believe sincerely that no force can hold it back. It is right in the eyes of man and God that it should come. And when it does, I think that day will brighten the lives of every American. For Negroes are not the only victims. How many white children have gone uneducated? How many white families have lived in stark poverty? How many white lives have been scarred by fear, because we've wasted our energy and our substance to maintain the barriers of hatred and terror?
And so I say to all of you here, and to all in the nation tonight, that those who appeal to you to hold on to the past do so at the cost of denying you your future.
This great, rich, restless country can offer opportunity and education and hope to all, all black and white, all North and
South, sharecropper and city dweller. These are the enemies: poverty, ignorance, disease. They're our enemies, not our fellow man, not our neighbor. And these enemies too -- poverty, disease, and ignorance: we shall overcome.
Now let none of us in any section look with prideful
righteousness on the troubles in another section, or the
problems of our neighbors. There's really no part of America where the promise of equality has been fully kept. In Buffalo as well as in Birmingham, in Philadelphia as well as Selma, Americans are struggling for the fruits of freedom. This is one nation. What happens in Selma or in Cincinnati is a matter of legitimate concern to every American. But let each of us look within our own hearts and our own communities, and let each of us put our shoulder to the wheel to root out injustice wherever it exists.
As we meet here in this peaceful, historic chamber tonight, men from the South, some of whom were at Iwo Jima, men from the North who have carried Old Glory to far corners of the world and brought it back without a stain on it, men from the East and from the West, are all fighting together without regard to religion, or color, or region, in Vietnam. Men from every region fought for us across the world twenty years ago.
And now in these common dangers and these common sacrifices, the South made its contribution of honor and gallantry no less than any other region in the Great Republic -- and in some instances, a great many of them, more.
And I have not the slightest doubt that good men from everywhere in this country, from the Great Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico, from the Golden Gate to the harbors along the Atlantic, will rally now together in this cause to vindicate the freedom of all Americans.
For all of us owe this duty; and I believe that all of us will respond to it. Your President makes that request of every American.
The real hero of this struggle is the American Negro. His actions and protests, his courage to risk safety and even to risk his life, have awakened the conscience of this nation. His demonstrations have been designed to call attention to
injustice, designed to provoke change, designed to stir reform. He has called upon us to make good the promise of America. And who among us can say that we would have made the same progress were it not for his persistent bravery, and his faith in American democracy.
For at the real heart of battle for equality is a deep seated belief in the democratic process. Equality depends not on the force of arms or tear gas but depends upon the force of moral right; not on recourse to violence but on respect for law and order.
And there have been many pressures upon your President and there will be others as the days come and go. But I pledge you tonight that we intend to fight this battle where it should be fought -- in the courts, and in the Congress, and in the hearts of men. We must preserve the right of free speech and the right of free assembly. But the right of free speech does not carry with it, as has been said, the right to holler fire in a crowded theater. We must preserve the right to free assembly. But free assembly does not carry with it the right to block public thoroughfares to traffic.
We do have a right to protest, and a right to march under conditions that do not infringe the constitutional rights of our neighbors. And I intend to protect all those rights as long as I am permitted to serve in this office.
We will guard against violence, knowing it strikes from our hands the very weapons which we seek: progress, obedience to law, and belief in American values.
In Selma, as elsewhere, we seek and pray for peace. We seek order. We seek unity. But we will not accept the peace of stifled rights,
or the order imposed by fear, or the unity that stifles protest. For peace cannot be purchased at the cost of liberty.
In Selma tonight -- and we had a good day there -- as in every city, we are working for a just and peaceful settlement And we must all remember that after this speech I am making tonight, after the police and the FBI and the Marshals have all gone, and after you have promptly passed this bill, the people of Selma and the other cities of the Nation must still live and work together. And when the attention of the nation has gone elsewhere, they must try to heal the wounds and to build a new community.
This cannot be easily done on a battleground of violence, as the history of the South itself shows. It is in recognition of this that men of both races have shown such an outstandingly impressive responsibility in recent days -- last Tuesday, again today.
The bill that I am presenting to you will be known as a civil rights bill. But, in a larger sense, most of the program I am recommending is a civil rights program. Its object is to open the city of hope to all people of all races.
Because all Americans just must have the right to vote. And we are going to give them that right. All Americans must have the privileges of citizenship -- regardless of race. And they are going to have those privileges of citizenship -- regardless of race.
But I would like to caution you and remind you that to exercise these privileges takes much more than just legal right. It requires a trained mind and a healthy body. It requires a decent home, and the chance to find a job, and the opportunity to escape from the clutches of poverty.
Of course, people cannot contribute to the nation if they are never taught to read or write, if their bodies are stunted from hunger, if their sickness goes untended, if their life is spent
in hopeless poverty just drawing a welfare check. So we want to open the gates to opportunity. But we're also going to give all our people, black and white, the help that they need to walk through those gates.
My first job after college was as a teacher in Cotulla, Texas, in a small Mexican-American school. Few of them could speak English, and I couldn't speak much Spanish. My students were poor and they often came to class without breakfast, hungry. And they knew, even in their youth, the pain of prejudice. They never seemed to know why people disliked them. But they knew it was so, because I saw it in their eyes. I often walked home late in the afternoon, after the classes were finished, wishing there was more that I could do. But all I knew was to teach them the little that I knew, hoping that it might help them against the hardships that lay ahead.
And somehow you never forget what poverty and hatred can do when you see its scars on the hopeful face of a young child. I never thought then, in 1928, that I would be standing here in 1965. It never even occurred to me in my fondest dreams that I might have the chance to help the sons and daughters of those students and to help people like them all over this country.
But now I do have that chance -- and I'll let you in on a secret -- I mean to use it.
And I hope that you will use it with me.
This is the richest and the most powerful country which ever occupied this globe. The might of past empires is little
compared to ours. But I do not want to be the President who built empires, or sought grandeur, or extended dominion.
I want to be the President who educated young children to the wonders of their world.
I want to be the President who helped to feed the hungry and to prepare them to be tax-payers instead of tax-eaters.
I want to be the President who helped the poor to find their own way and who protected the right of every citizen to vote in every election.
I want to be the President who helped to end hatred among his fellow men, and who promoted love among the people of all races and all regions and all parties.
I want to be the President who helped to end war among the brothers of this earth.
And so, at the request of your beloved Speaker, and the Senator from Montana, the majority leader, the Senator from Illinois, the minority leader, Mr. McCulloch, and other Members of both parties, I came here tonight -- not as President Roosevelt came down one time, in person, to veto a bonus bill, not as President Truman came down one time to urge the passage of a railroad bill -- but I came down here to ask you to share this task with me, and to share it with the people that we both work for. I want this to be the Congress, Republicans and Democrats alike, which did all these things for all these people.
Beyond this great chamber, out yonder in fifty States, are the people that we serve. Who can tell what deep and unspoken hopes are in their hearts tonight as they sit there and listen. We all can guess, from our own lives, how difficult they often find their own pursuit of happiness, how many problems each little family has. They look most of all to themselves for their futures. But I think that they also look to each of us.
Above the pyramid on the great seal of the United States it says in Latin: “God has favored our undertaking.” God will not favor everything that we do. It is rather our duty to divine His will. But I cannot help believing that He truly understands and that He really favors the undertaking that we begin here tonight.
范文四:美国总统就职演讲
标题【美国总统就职演说系列】克林顿连任日期 2010年05月21日The Second Inaugural Address by Bill Clinton January 20, 1997 My fellow citizens : At
this last presidential inauguration of the 20th century, let us lift our eyes toward the
challenges that await us in the next century. It is our great good fortune that time and
chance have put us not only at the edge of a new century, in a new millennium, but on the
edge of a bright new prospect in human affairs, a moment that will define our course, and
our character, for decades to come. We must keep our old democracy forever young.
Guided by the ancient vision of a promised land, let us set our sights upon a land of new
promise. The promise of America was born in the 18th century out of the bold
conviction that we are all created equal. It was extended and preserved in the 19th
century, when our nation spread across the continent, saved the union, and abolished the
awful scourge of slavery. Then, in turmoil and triumph, that promise exploded onto
the world stage to make this the American Century. And what a century it has been. America became the world's mightiest industrial power; saved the world from tyranny in
two world wars and a long cold war; and time and again, reached out across the globe to
millions who, like us, longed for the blessings of liberty. Along the way, Americans produced a great middle class and security in old age; built unrivaled centers of learning
and opened public schools to all; split the atom and explored the heavens; invented the
computer and the microchip; and deepened the wellspring of justice by making a
revolution in civil rights for African Americans and all minorities, and extending the
circle of citizenship, opportunity and dignity to women. Now, for the third time, a new century is upon us, and another time to choose. We began the 19th century with a
choice, to spread our nation from coast to coast. We began the 20th century with a choice,
to harness the Industrial Revolution to our values of free enterprise, conservation, and
human decency. Those choices made all the difference. At the dawn of the 21st century a free people must now choose to shape the forces of the Information Age and the
global society, to unleash the limitless potential of all our people, and, yes, to form a
more perfect union. When last we gathered, our march to this new future seemed less
certain than it does today. We vowed then to set a clear course to renew our nation.
In these four years, we have been touched by tragedy, exhilarated by challenge,
strengthened by achievement. America stands alone as the world's indispensable nation.
Once again, our economy is the strongest on Earth. Once again, we are building stronger
families, thriving communities, better educational opportunities, a cleaner environment.
Problems that once seemed destined to deepen now bend to our efforts: our streets are
safer and record numbers of our fellow citizens have moved from welfare to work.
And once again, we have resolved for our time a great debate over the role of government.
Today we can declare: Government is not the problem, and government is not the
solution. We,- the American people, we are the solution. Our founders understood that
well and gave us a democracy strong enough to endure for centuries, flexible enough to
face our common challenges and advance our common dreams in each new day.
Fellow citizens, we must not waste the precious gift of this time. For all of us are on that
same journey of our lives, and our journey, too, will come to an end. But the journey of
our America must go on. May those generations whose faces we cannot yet see,
whose names we may never know, say of us here that we led our beloved land into a new
century with the American Dream alive for all her children; with the American promise
of a more perfect union a reality for all her people; with America's bright flame of
freedom spreading throughout all the world. From the height of this place and the
summit of this century, let us go forth. May God strengthen our hands for the good work
ahead, and always, always bless our America. 克林顿第二次就职演说同胞们: 藉此二十世纪最后一届总统就职演说之际,让我们睁开眼睛迎接下一世纪我们将面临的挑战。所幸的是,时间和机遇不仅将我们置身于一个新世纪的边缘,一个新的千周年,而且将我们置身于人类事业一个崭新新的、光辉的边缘——一个决定我们未来数十年方向和地位的时刻。我们必须使我们古老的民主永葆青春。在“希望之
乡”这一古老憧憬的指引下,让我们着眼于新的“希望之乡”。 美国的希望源于十八世纪一种无畏的信念:人生来皆平等。在十九世纪,我们的国家横跨大陆,拯救了联邦,废除了恐怖的奴隶制的蹂躏。 这一信念得以流传和扩展。然后,在辛劳和胜利之中,这种希望奔上了世界的舞台,使本世纪成为美国的世纪。 这是怎样的一个世纪啊。美国成为世界上最强大的工业大国,它把世界从两次世界大战和旷日持久的冷战的暴虐中拯救出来,并且一再向全球上百万像我们一样渴望自由赐福的人们伸出援助之手。 在这一进程中,美国产生 了庞大的中产阶级和老年人保险制度,建立了无与伦比的学习中心,并对全民开放公立学校,分裂了原子且探
索了太空,发明了计算机和微芯片,通过发起一场非裔美国人和少数民族的民权革命,及扩大妇女的公民权利,就业机会和人身尊严,而深掘了正义之泉。 现在,也是第三次,一个新世纪来到我们面前,这又是一个选择的时候,我们进入十九世纪时有一个选择,使得我们国家从一个海岸扩展到另一个海岸,我们进入二十世纪时又有一个选择,使得工业革命能符合我们的价值观,即自由经营,水土保持,和恪守人类正义,这些选择使得一切迥然不同。 在二十一世纪曙光来临之际,一个自由的民族必须做出选择,去打造信息时代和全球一体化的力量。去释放全民无尽的潜能,并且,去成就一个更完美的联邦国家。 上次我们在此相聚时,我们向这个新未来的进军似乎没有今天这么明确,我们那时曾宣誓 确立新的道路,复兴我们的国家。 在这四年中,我们感到悲剧带来的触动,挑战带来的兴奋,成就带来的增强,美国作为世界不可缺少的国家巍然挺立,再一次, 我们的经济是世界上最强大的经济,再一次,我们建设着更牢固的家庭,繁荣的社区,更好的教育
机会,更清洁的环境,曾经似乎注定要恶化的问题现在也屈服于我们 的努力,我们的街道更安全,我们的同胞有创记录的人数已从福利走向工作。 再一次,我们解决了当前关于政府角色问题的巨大争论。 今天我们可以宣告:政府不是问题的产生者,政府也不是问题的解决者,我们-美国人民-我们才是问题的解决者,我们的缔造者深深地了解这一点,他们给予我们的民主强壮的足以持续几个世纪。柔韧地足以在每一新的日子里迎接我们共同的挑战并推进我们共同的梦想。 同胞们,让我们建设这样的美国,一个永远前进,以充分发挥全民潜力的国家。是的,
我们必须保持繁荣强大。但是,我们不能忘记:我们已取得的伟大成就,我们将取得的伟大的成就,就在人民心中。到最后,整个世界的财富和千支军队都无法与人类精神力量和精神文明相匹敌。 三十四年前,有一个人,他的一生为我们今天所歌颂,他就在那边,在广场的另一端对我们演讲,他的话打动了国民的良知。像是一个古时的预言家,他诉说着他的梦想:有一天美国终会站起来,在法律面前和
人们心中所有公民都将得到平等对待。马丁?路德?金的梦是美国之梦。他的要求就
是我们的要求,即不断努力实现我们生活信条。我们的历史就建立在这样的梦想和
努力上。通过我们的梦想和努力,我们重赎二十一世纪美国的希望。 同胞们,我们不能浪费当前宝贵的时机。因为我们大家都在生命的同一旅途上,我们的旅途会有终点。但我们的美国之路必须走下去。 我们还看不到我们的后代的面孔,也永远不会知道他们的名字,但是当他们谈论到我们的时候,希望他们会说我们把祖国领进了新的世纪,把有活力的美国梦留给了所有的子孙 让我们从此地之峰,从世纪之巅前进。愿上帝给我们强有力的双手,做好未来的工作——并且,
永远,永远保佑我们美国。
范文五:美国总统就职趣闻
美国总统奥巴马2013年1月20日(当地时间)在白宫宣誓就职,正式开启了他的第二个任期。总统就职仪式原本是非常严肃庄重的事情,但美国历史上也曾发生过念错誓词,甚至提前一天偷偷就职的“意外状况”。 ▲只有135个词的就职演说 1793年3月,美国第一位总统乔治?华盛顿宣誓连任总统,其演说词仅135个词。这是迄今为止最短的美国总统就职演说。 ▲不用圣经用宪法 美国总统在宣誓就职时,都遵循华盛顿留下的传统,将一只手放在圣经上。但是约翰?昆西?亚当斯1825年宣誓就职时,手下放的是一部法律典籍(一说为宪法)。 ▲这一天没有正式总统 美国第12位总统卡扎里?泰勒是个虔诚的圣公会教徒,他拒绝在1849年3月4日星期天宣誓就职。于是,美国在这一天便出现了在新老总统交接之际没有总统的怪事。根据法律规定,只好由参议院临时议长艾奇逊弥补空缺,当了一天的临时总统。 ▲提前一天宣誓就职 1877年2月,两位总统候选人之间因一票之争难分胜负,后由国会一个特别委员会进行裁决,结果是海斯险胜对手蒂尔登,但还存在着争议。海斯担心蒂尔登夺取总统职位,便求得即将卸任的总统格兰特的帮助,于3月3日星期天的晚上由大法官韦特仓促主持仪式,偷偷提前一天就职。 ▲由父亲主持宣誓就职 美国历任总统就职均由大法官主持就职仪式,但1923年8月2日晚,总统哈定在旧金山皇宫饭店神秘死亡,由于情况紧急,3日凌晨,副总统卡尔文?柯立芝在佛蒙特州他父亲老柯立芝的卧室里,由父亲以公证人身份主持仪式,宣誓就职。 ▲念错誓词不得不重来一次 2009年1月20日,在奥巴马的第一任期就职仪式上,最高法院首席大法官约翰?罗伯茨领读誓词时出现错误,奥巴马只好在第二天重新宣读誓词。